This is a historic moment for hepatitis C treatment. With the advent of direct-acting antivirals (DAAs) we can now massively reduce the harm from an infectious disease that affects millions of people and causes hundreds of thousands of unnecessary deaths every year. Interferon-free DAA regimes are short, highly tolerable and simple to deliver, with cure rates of over 90%. Today, one year after the first-ever World Health Organization Global Health Sector Strategy on Viral Hepatitis was approved, we call on stakeholders to work together to meet the strategy´s ambitious goal of hepatitis C elimination as a public health threat.

Hepatitis C elimination will require sizeable scaling up in testing and treatment, along with comprehensive harm reduction services, including in prisons. There is an urgent need for policymakers, health care providers, health insurance providers and the pharmaceutical industry to work in collaboration with the affected communities and their organization, as well as low threshold services, to achieve this scale-up. Communities and community representatives must participate in formulating and implementing hepatitis C prevention, testing and strategies for affordable treatment because these stakeholders have unique knowledge about what will be accessible, acceptable and effective. Without their close ongoing involvement, the effort to eliminate hepatitis C is likely to fail.

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Community Summit on Hepatitis C: Declaration on the importance of civil society involvement to eliminate hepatitis C

Opening letter from the President and Executive Director

The work of the Drug Policy Alliance is both all about drugs and ultimately not really about drugs at all.

We are at the front lines of much larger struggles in U.S. and international society – over what it means to remain a free society and how we deal with both real and phantom threats to health, life and security.

Donald Trump’s election and his appointment of drug war extremists to senior positions are going to make it harder to consolidate our marijuana legalization victories, and to make progress in Congress on rolling back harsh drug laws, repealing civil asset forfeiture laws, reducing overdose fatalities, and integrating harm reduction principles into federal drug policies.

But what most concerns us is the assault on the values for which we’ve fought for so long.

We advocate for drug policies grounded in science, compassion, health and human rights because we believe those values should infuse all public policies. Only through our shared strength and vision can we uproot the drug war and advance the broader values that guide our struggle.

Drug Policy Alliance Annual Report

The HAT clinic model, initially developed by the Swiss, differs from the old “British System” (still in place for around 100 people in the UK) in that rather than being given ‘take home’ heroin prescriptions, patients attend a clinic once or twice a day, and use their prescriptions on site, under medical supervision.

The first Swiss pilot HAT clinics opened in 1994. In 1997, the federal government approved a large-scale expansion, aimed at 15% of the nation’s estimated 30,000 heroin users, specifically long-term users who had not succeeded with other treatments. Other countries followed suit, with the UK opening three pilot NHS supervised injecting clinics (London, Brighton and Darlington) in 2009 - the Randomised Injectable Opiate Treatment Trial (RIOTT) - extended to 2016 after proving successful.

Heroin Assisted Treatment (HAT): Saving lives, improving health, reducing crime

Morocco continues to be the world’s largest producer of cannabis resin (hashish). Over the past 50 years, the Moroccan cannabis growers shown a remarkable resilience to government attempts to eradicate or reduce cannabis cultivation as well as a noteworthy ability to adapt to changing international market conditions.

Since Morocco’s independence the government has practiced a policy of containment regarding cannabis cultivation, allowing no new areas but tacitly allowing those already in production to be maintained.

The rapid increase in illicit cannabis cultivation in the Rif during the last decades, as well as poor soil conservation practices, have taken a heavy toll on the Rif’s already threatened forests and fragile ecosystems.

The unregulated cannabis market in Morocco has negative social consequences. Some 48,000 growers have arrest warrants hanging over their heads, which is a source of corruption and repression. An amnesty and decriminalization could be effective measures to diminish negative social consequences and open the debate about regulation.

Cannabis farmers in Morocco should have access to emerging legally regulated cannabis markets that are gaining ground worldwide. The challenge is to find a sustainable development model that includes cannabis cultivation in Morocco, instead of excluding cannabis and ignoring the realities of more than 50 years of failed attempts to eradicate the only viable economic option in the region.

Morocco and cannabis

The prohibitionist approach imposed on cannabis by the international drug control system still persists in nearly all of the Latin American and Caribbean countries examined. In almost all of them, possession falls under criminal law. Some countries’ legislation establishes thresholds below which cannabis possession should not be considered a crime. Only in Uruguay does the law include regulation of the entire chain.

Although cannabis organizations and other groups have managed to place the issue on the agenda, in most countries reforms are still pending or have been inadequate. The inclusion of relatives and users of cannabis for medicinal and therapeutic purposes has helped give impetus to the movement and to raise awareness among both political stakeholders and the public.

Many of the reforms under way do not recognize the need to regulate the recreational and cultural use of cannabis and run the risk of perpetuating the current consequences, with the persistent impact on health, security, institutionality and human rights that the prohibition of cannabis and the lack of state regulation allow and encourage.

The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean should prepare for future reform scenarios, instead of considering temporary measures that will perpetuate the same harmful consequences. Limiting reform solely to medicinal cannabis is only a partial, inadequate and temporary solution. If change is truly sought, it is necessary to move toward models of state regulation of cannabis for all purposes.

Cannabis in Latin America and the Caribbean: From punishment to regulation

Since its establishment in the 1970s, TNI has always believed in the need to find global answers to global problems, been a strong defender of multilateralism and an advocate of a well-functioning United Nations which stands as the guarantor of universal human rights. On the drugs question, our position is straightforward: drug control should respect human rights.

We defend the rights of farmers caught in the illicit economy to live a life in dignity.

We favour the decriminalisation of use, possession for personal use and minor trafficking offences. We defend harm-reduction approaches and advocate differentiation among substances on the basis of health concerns.

We also defend the principle of proportionality: a basic principle that should be obvious to all but got lost in the process of the escalation of the war on drugs: everyone involved in the illicit drugs market, farmers, traders and users alike, are fully protected by human rights.

Any drug control measure that violates their basic human rights is illegitimate and TNI will always reject measures that violate the right to live a life in dignity.

Click here to read the full publication.

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Human rights and drug policy

Further to Human Rights Council Resolution 30/l.16 on human rights in the administration of justice, adopted in September 2015, we welcome the opportunity to provide the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) with relevant information as a contribution to the report on the non-discrimination and vulnerable groups, in particular in detention, and with regard to the causes and effects of overincarceration and overcrowding.

This submission, made by the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), the International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC) and the Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS), will address the human rights implications of incarceration on women – an issue that was raised in the 2015 OHCHR Study on the impact of the world drug problem on the enjoyment of human rights.

The information provided in this brief is based on the activities of the Working Group on Women, Drug Policy and Incarceration, which advocates for drug policy reform in the Americas.

Human Rights in the administration of justice – non-discrimination and vulnerable groups – causes and effects of overincarceration and overcrowding

Learn more about our joint work with the Global Partnership on Drug Policies and Development (GPDPD)

The 2nd Brandenburg Forum on Drugs and Development Policies took place from February 6th to 8 th February 2017 at the Hotel Schloss Lübbenau in Germany. The Forum was organised within the framework of the Global Partnership on Drug Policies and Development (GPDPD) – a programme aiming to enhance evidence-based development and public health-oriented approaches to drug policy.1 GPDPD is commissioned by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and implemented under political patronage of the German Federal Government’s Drug Commissioner. The meeting was co-hosted by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH on behalf of BMZ, the Drug Commissioner of the Federal Government of Germany, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, the International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC) and the Transnational Institute (TNI).

2nd Brandenburg Forum on Drugs and Development Policies: "Scenarios and proposals for a roadmap towards 2019"

Since the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte on June 30, 2016, and his call for a “war on drugs,” Philippine National Police officers and unidentified “vigilantes” have killed over 7,000 people. The anti-drug campaign dubbed “Operation Double Barrel” has targeted suspected drug dealers and users ostensibly for arrest but in practice has been a campaign of extrajudicial execution in impoverished areas of Manila and other urban areas. Duterte’s outspoken endorsement of the campaign implicates him and other senior officials in possible incitement to violence, instigation of murder, and in command responsibility for crimes against humanity.

This report examines 24 incidents, resulting in 32 deaths, involving Philippine National Police personnel between October 2016 and January 2017. Human Rights Watch found that the official police reports of these incidents invariably asserted self-defense to justify police killings, contrary to eyewitness accounts that portray the killings as cold-blooded murders of unarmed drug suspects in custody. To bolster their claims, the police routinely planted guns, spent ammunition, and drug packets next to the victims’ bodies. No one has been meaningfully investigated, let alone prosecuted, for these killings.

“License to Kill”: Philippine police killings in Duterte’s war on drugs

The Foundation Against Illicit Drugs and Child Abuse (FADCA) is pleased to release the report of the Social and Economic Impact of Illicit Drugs in Liberia. The survey was funded by Open Society Foundations for Global Drug Policy through its subsidiary Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA). The report paints a picture of the trend of the drug problem in Liberia.

The ultimate method for deriving better policies is to understand the nuances of the drug problem, in terms of its social, health, economic and political impact. Such understanding must be based on cogent scientific evidence derived from empirical data. This survey has been embarked to ascertain rising youth debut in drug use; understand the social and economic causes of youth debut and impact of drug in Liberia. To determine the level of health risk based on experiences and feelings of drug users. Findings of the survey will be used as advocacy and strategic information tools for planning future intervention and policy actions. 


Liberia: Social and economic impact of illicit drugs - baseline survey report

Time has come to embrace a different approach and adopt policies that are based on public health, community safety, human rights and development. Only such policies will deliver on the promise to improve people’s lives; only such policies will truly allow Myanmar to reduce the harm caused by problematic drug use, trafficking and production. This policy briefing was drafted by a group of local and international organisations with indepth knowledge and extensive experience of drug-related issues in Myanmar. It is structured around a set of five strategic interventions, each of which comes with concrete recommendations that are adapted to the Myanmar context. It contains reliable, up-to-date information and examples of evidence-based practices from Myanmar and around the world.

We identify the following 5 key strategic interventions.

Increase access to health, harm reduction and voluntary drug treatment for people using drugs

End the criminalisation of drug users and small-scale farmers

Refocus law enforcement efforts on violent organised crime and large-scale drug production and trafficking

Promote development projects in opium growing areas

Include civil society and affected communities in policy reform

Addressing drug problems in Myanmar

Questa ricerca sull’esperienza italiana di distribuzione del naloxone ai consumatori e nella comunità sociale (Take Home Naloxone – THN) nasce dalla necessità di colmare un vuoto di conoscenza, di informazione e di comunicazione attorno ad una esperienza ormai più che ventennale di riduzione del danno (RdD) e di limitazione dei rischi correlati (LdR) all’uso di oppiacei.

La letteratura scientifica sul THN italiano è assai scarna, si limita a pochi studi locali e datati, tanto che le più recenti rassegne internazionali paradossalmente non includono o trattano per cenni una delle poche esperienze nazionali di THN significative in termini di durata, continuità e ampiezza degli interventi. Un esempio emblematico: gli studi citati indicano il 1996 come anno di avvio dei primi interventi di THN in Italia, mentre già nel 1991 gli interventi di strada avevano adottato questa modalità, anticipando quanto sarebbe avvenuto in seguito in altri paesi.

Non è certamente, questa lacuna, responsabilità dei ricercatori internazionali, che avevano ed hanno la difficoltà di reperire fonti e dati sull’esperienza italiana.

Mantieniti informato degli sviluppi delle politiche riguardo le droghe iscrivendoti al

Publications from IDPC Members