To: Ms Ghada Waly, Executive Director, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

Subject: Open letter on UNODC statement on International Human Rights Day 2021

We urge you to mark International Human Rights Day 2021 by calling on Member States to change drug policies and practices that violate human rights and perpetuate inequality and discrimination.

We are writing to you ahead of International Human Rights Day 2021, which will take place on the 10th December amidst escalating global demands for the reform of laws and practices that entrench racial discrimination and social inequality, including drug policies. Last year, IDPC – together with dozens of other civil society and community organisations – called on you to issue a statement on International Human Rights Day urging Member States to change drug laws and practices that undermine health and human rights. A year later, we ask you to seize this day as an opportunity to show UNODC´s alignment with other UN entities in calling for an end to drug policies and practices that perpetuate inequality and discrimination, and violate human rights.

For decades, punitive drug policies have driven widespread human rights abuses, as has been amply documented by the UN. These include the death penalty for drug offences; extrajudicial killings; arbitrary detention, often masquerading as ‘rehabilitation’; the denial of access to life-saving harm reduction services; widespread barriers to accessing controlled medicines for pain relief; the criminalisation of people who use drugs, subsistence farmers and others groups in situations of vulnerability; corporal punishment; and mass incarceration. In all of these cases, draconian drug policies have disproportionately affected people marginalised on the basis of their gender, race, ethnicity, and economic status, thus entrenching inequality and discrimination.

Along 2021, a broad range of UN entities called on Member States to reform drug policies with discriminatory outcomes. In June 2021, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention released a landmark study on arbitrary detention and drug polices, which found that ´

the war on drugs may be understood to a significant extent as a war on people. Its impact is often greatest on those who are poor, but also frequently overlaps with discrimination in law enforcement directed at vulnerable groups

´. At the same time, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights published a new ‘Agenda towards transformative change for racial justice and equality´, highlighting that ´

The discriminatory application of criminal law must be tackled at every stage, including by reforming drug-related policies

´. The High Commissioner´s proposal led to Human Rights Council Resolution 47/21, which contains key commitments to uproot systemic racism in the law enforcement and criminal justice systems. The Political Declaration on HIV and AIDS, adopted in June 2021, also showcased the international community´s commitment to ending inequalities as a step towards ending AIDS. Lastly, the new UN system Common Position on Incarceration, led by UNODC in partnership with other UN entities, notes ‘

the overrepresentation of minority and marginalized groups among prisoners, many of whom are charged with petty and nonviolent offences

support reform efforts aimed at ensuring proportionate and individualized sentencing and alternatives to conviction or punishment in appropriate cases, including for minor drug-related offences

These various commitments emerging across the United Nations are aligned with the 2018 Chief Executives Board’s UN System Common Position on drug-related matters, which makes clear that ‘

should be designed and implemented by States in accordance with their human rights obligations

’, and commits all UN agencies, including UNODC, to support drug policies ‘

that put people, health, and human rights at the centre

Similar human rights concerns have been highlighted in the just-released Global Drug Policy Index, which measures and ranks the national drug policies of 30 countries according to how well they align with the UN system Common Position on Drugs and its Task Team report of March 2019.

The theme of the 2021 International Human Rights Day is ‘Equality: Reducing inequalities, advancing human rights’, and is aimed at ´

addressing and finding solutions for deep-rooted forms of discrimination that have affected the most vulnerable people in societies

´. As such, it presents a crucial opportunity for UNODC to align itself with other UN entities in calling for the end of policies that perpetuate inequality and discrimination, while highlighting its commitment to the promotion of human rights, in line with the UN system Common Positions.

It is in this context that we urge you to issue a strong statement on International Human Rights Day, calling on states to change the drug laws, policies and practices that violate health and human rights, and entrench inequality. To be credible, such a statement should explicitly acknowledge the disproportionate impact of drug laws and drug control on people marginalised on the basis of their gender, race, ethnicity, and economic status, and urge Member States to:

Abolish the death penalty in all circumstances. Imposing capital punishment for drug offences has been found to be contrary to international human rights law by the Human Rights Committee, and the Human Rights Council.

Put an immediate end to extrajudicial killings committed in the name of drug control, as has been repeatedly called for by the Human Rights Council and UN human rights experts.

Permanently close compulsory drug detention centres, including those that masquerade as ‘rehabilitation’, and implement voluntary, evidence-informed, and rights-based health and social services, as recently called for by sixteen UN agencies, including UNODC.

Stress the urgent need to provide accessible, affordable, and adequately funded harm reduction services in community and closed settings, to fulfil the right to health and the right to life of people who use drugs, as demanded by several UN human rights bodies and experts. This is also central to UNODC’s core role as lead UNAIDS co-sponsor regarding prisons and HIV amongst people who use drugs.

Take immediate measures to address prison overcrowding, as already recommended by UNODC and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, by promoting alternatives to incarceration, and ensuring proportionate sentencing for all drug offences, including by taking into account mitigating factors – in line with the basic principle that prisons should only be used as a last resort in all circumstances.

Ensure that people who use drugs are not subject to arbitrary detention, torture, or ill-treatment – whether in state custody or public or private drug services. While under detention, people with a drug dependence or health problems associated with their drug use must be offered evidence-based treatment, harm reduction and other drug services on a strictly voluntary basis.

Promote the end of all punishment for drug use, and drug possession and cultivation for personal use, as permitted within the three drug control conventions. Such policy shifts will help to end the stigma, criminalisation, and exclusion faced by people who use drugs, and to facilitate access to health and social services, as called for by the UN system Common Position, UNAIDS, and UN human rights bodies.

Make sure that drug policies incorporate a gender-sensitive perspective. This should be done by tailoring drug services to the specific needs of women, and by ensuring that criminal laws take into account the circumstances of women involved in drug offences, as most of them come from backgrounds of poverty, marginalisation, and oppression.

Clearly outline the ways in which UNODC will work to achieve these changes, and the measures being taken to ensure that human rights are effectively embedded as a core strand for all of the Office’s work.

As the lead UN agency in drug-related matters, UNODC has the responsibility to promote drug policies that respect, protect, and fulfil human rights, in a way that is consistent with the standards developed by the UN system, and in line with the commitments set in the UN system Common Positions on drugs and on incarceration. A strong statement in the forthcoming International Human Rights Day would be an important and welcome step to signal UNODC’s unequivocal commitment.

We look forward to discussing these concerns and recommendations with you.

NGOs urge UNODC's Executive Director to mark Human Rights Day with a call to reform drug policies that entrench inequality

A recent United Nations human rights report shines a light on governments’ widespread use of arbitrary detention in the context of drug enforcement.

The study, presented by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) at the June-July 2021 session of UN Human Rights Council (HRC), documents high rates of arbitrary detention worldwide for those suspected of drug-related activity. This reliance on arbitrary detention is driving up incarceration rates across the globe, swelling populations in jails and prisons at a time when the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is calling attention to the need to reduce prison overcrowding, as those held in confinement are uniquely vulnerable to the virus.

The Working Group’s report documents how, while states are required to uphold human rights obligations under international law—such as guaranteeing adequate legal protections, and due process for those who enter the criminal justice system—the reliance on harsh drug policies results in sustained violations of these standards.

The Working Group, a five-person body of independent experts established in 1991, is tasked with investigating cases in which individuals are arbitrarily arrested or detained: that is, deprived of liberty in a way that fails to meet international standards (for example, being arrested without a proper warrant, or placed in detention in a way that doesn’t respect procedural rights). The group’s mandate was extended in 2019 for an additional three-year period.

The Working Group’s new report was prompted by a recommendation that the group itself has issued; it was also requested by the UN Human Rights Council. The group produced the report in consultation with UN member states, civil society stakeholders, international organizations, and UN agencies.

WOLA and a group of partners—including the International Drug Policy Consortium, Dejusticia, EQUIS: Justicia para las mujeres, and the Autonomous University of Chiapas, Mexico—submitted expert guidance as the Working Group prepared its report. This submission emphasized the need for a gender-based approach, given the disproportionate impact of punitive drug policies on women. The Working Group’s final report incorporates these concerns, while also examining the impact of arbitrary detentions on other vulnerable groups, including LGBTI+ and Indigenous persons.

“people who use drugs are particularly at risk of arbitrary detention.”

 In Latin America, many countries automatically place those accused of drug-related charges in pretrial detention—including Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, and Peru. Even in countries like Costa Rica and Guatemala where the law doesn’t mandate pretrial detention for those accused of drug charges, there are similar practices that drive up incarceration rates. Additionally, the report emphasizes the increase in torture of those detained arbitrarily, particularly in the context of militarized drug enforcement in countries such as Mexico.

The Working Group report culminates with 17 recommendations, beginning with a call to UN member states to 

“decriminalize the use, possession, acquisition or cultivation of drugs for personal use, including the possession of associated paraphernalia.”

Further recommendations include ending the use of drug courts, curbing the participation of the military in enforcement operations, and protecting the rights of Indigenous peoples to cultivate plants that they have traditionally grown for their religious, medicinal, and customary purposes.

International human rights standards prohibit arbitrary detention—but as highlighted by the Working Group’s report, states resort frequently to this illegal practice as part of their ongoing enforcement of harsh anti-drug policies. 

States should heed the recommendations put forth by the Working Group as a toolbox for much needed reform.

The new Working Group report follows the release of a paper earlier this year laying out the UN “common position” on incarceration. The paper advocated for reducing overreliance on incarceration and for reducing prison populations—neither of which can be achieved without addressing the use of arbitrary detention in the context of drug control. A previous “common position” paper, released in July 2019, called for a “truly balanced, comprehensive, integrated, evidence-based, human rights-based” approach to the global drug policy framework.

This recent set of UN reports all mark a clear direction for governments to reform their drug laws and practices. 

But there remains a serious gap between states’ practices, and the recommendations of the UN common positions and the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention.

As the Working Group report highlights, the use of arbitrary detention to uphold punitive drug policies is another manifestation of the wide-ranging damage of the “war on drugs.” As long as there continues to be a strong disregard for the reality that arbitrary detention is a failed and unnecessary measure, the criminalization of those involved with the drug trade (whether out of an economic, cultural, or personal need) will continue to be a pipeline that fills prisons and destroys communities across the region.

Isabella Oliver is a Program Assistant at WOLA.

Recent UN report on arbitrary detention and drug policies underscores urgent need for reform

New York City is now the first city in the nation to open two overdose prevention centers that will allow drug users to receive medical care and services to prevent drug overdose deaths, according to Mayor Bill de Blasio's Office.
The overdose prevention centers (OPCs), also known as supervised consumption sites or safe injection sites, provide a safer place for drug users to administer drugs and get medical care if they overdose, the city said. The centers can also provide connections to treatment and social services to help in their recovery.

"After exhaustive study, we know the right path forward to protect the most vulnerable people in our city," de Blasio said in a release. "And we will not hesitate to take it. Overdose Prevention Centers are a safe and effective way to address the opioid crisis. I'm proud to show cities in this country that after decades of failure, a smarter approach is possible."

With two locations in upper Manhattan, the centers will exist as part of two previously established syringe service providers, the mayor's office said.

The two organizations, Washington Heights Corner Project and New York Harm Reduction Educators, will be forming a new organization called, OnPoint NYC, to run the sites, the New York City Health Department confirmed.

First US overdose prevention centers open in New York City in an effort to combat overdose deaths

Professor Judith Aldridge, University of Manchester And Dr Rebecca Askew, Manchester Metropolitan University

Drug policy is firmly on the global political agenda. Over the past decade we have seen changes to cannabis policy worldwide, an increase in drug related deaths connected to the opioid crisis, the introduction of safe consumption sites in several European countries, as well as Canada and Australia, and drug checking at festivals in the UK and Australia. Public opinion on drug policy reform is often sought to help understand support for change, as well as key concerns that people have about liberalising drug policy.

This year, Global Drug Survey wants to know about your experiences and opinions connected to drug policy and the law. How have drug laws impacted you? What do you think about policy approaches and their potential impact for individuals and communities?

This year GDS has teamed up with Professor Judith Aldridge and Dr Rebecca Askew, who are Manchester based criminologists working in the field of drug use and drug policy. While there are many public opinion polls that have attempted to gauge people’s views on drug policy and reform, there has been something of a stumbling block to doing this well. Many different things are understood by the words decriminalisation, legalisation and prohibition, so just asking survey respondents to say if they agree or disagree with these approaches doesn’t really help us to fully understand their views.

GDS2022 uses an entirely new approach, building on some of the insights of Dr Rebecca Askew’s UK-based Drug Policy Voices project. While opinions on drug policy are complex and sometimes contradictory, we’ve learned that getting to the bottom of the underlying beliefs and value orientations that drive people’s preferred policy approaches is key. This is important to communicate to policy makers, activists and drug policy reform organisations across the globe as their work informs policy.

This year, we’ll ask GDS respondents to tell us their opinions on the likely impact of three very different hypothetical approaches that governments could take to dealing with people who use and sell drugs: the impact on crime and public disorder, on drug usage rates, on health, on personal freedoms, on vulnerable people, on the economy and on trust in government. We also ask respondents to tell us their opinions on age restrictions, advertising, and personal freedoms to ‘grow your own.’ We know that some people avidly support changes to drug policy and others are more cautious; it is therefore important to understand the range of views in order to help policy makers, activists and others ensure that drug laws are both appropriate and just.

We also want to know not just what people’s drug policy preferences are, but how existing drug policies have impacted them. We know that many people who take drugs will have had negative experiences that arise from the drug policies in their countries, in connection to the police, staff in clubs and festivals, or in job or educational settings, and even when buying drugs from dealers. GDS2022 will help us to understand the consequences that drug laws and policies have for people who use drugs. By integrating public opinion and drug-related experiences, GDS will produce critically important knowledge to inform evolving global policy.

Go on… hit the link, take the survey.

It’s anonymous, confidential and encrypted. Your experiences will help inform others and influence change.

Stay safe, Professor Adam Winstock, Dr Monica Barratt, Dr Emma Davies & Associate Professor Jason Ferris, on behalf of all at GDS

Global Drugs Survey 2022 launched - Drug policy and the law: understanding your views and experiences

The CSFD mandate is renewed in 2021 and the CSFD now consists of 43 different CSOs, active in the field of drug demand reduction. The 2021 CSFD Plenary Meeting was organised on 6 and 7 October as a virtual session. It was attended by members of the CSFD, and representatives of the EC - DG Home and DG Sante.

An important element during this session was the adoption of the new Working Group Structure and the election of the new CSFD Core Group, consisting of the Chair, the Vice Chair and the four Working Group Coordinators.

"I am happy to renew my commitment in chairing this amazingly diverse and productive forum, and ready to face with our new representatives of the Core group the upcoming challenges in strengthening Civil Society’s meaningfull involvement. The previous forums built a strong and quite exemplary structure to make sure CSOs are heard, and the value of the forum is recognized and its contributions are very real ; making our gathered NGOs real stakeholders in Drug Policy’s framing and implementation throughout Europe. This mandate will have to keep that perspective, and endure."

"Thanks to the CSFD Project funding, the past year has been full of activities. However, once the project funding ends in only a few months, we must rely on our resources and commitment. As vice-chair, I will support the chair and other core group members. I will also ensure secretariat support to the CSFD, meaning the maintenance and update of the CSFD website and the internal and external communication flow. I, therefore, hope that you will continue sharing your valuable ideas and thoughts so that we can fulfil our essential role as the Civil Society Forum on Drugs."

"During the upcoming CSFD term, I hope we can continue to contribute to the improvement of the implementation of the EU Drug Strategy and Action Plan in the Member States, and further improve our relationships with the European Commission and other relevant stakeholders."

"I hope that WG2 will continue to be a useful partner of the EU external action in drug policies – bringing a clear focus on public health, human rights, and civil society and community participation."

 - Chair, WG3: Linkage to National Drug Policy

"I have been working in drug policy since 2003 and have broad experience in coordinating international projects. As the chair of WG3, I aim to effectively coordinate future work following the Forum's extensive knowledge gained from developing the Quality Standards of Civil Society Involvement report and survey."

 - Chair, WG4: Emerging Issues in Drug Policy

"The issue of drugs is complex and ever changing. I hope that we shall be attentive to emerging and cross-cutting issues that are of importance for people who use drugs and their societies around Europe and try to offer solutions to address them."



The four working groups had the opportunity to meet and discuss issues to be addressed in the forthcoming period; more information on this in the coming months.

Throughout the years, the CSFD has tried to receive structural funding from the EC. Internal EC regulations allow only the coverage of travel and hotel costs during CSFD plenary meetings. In light of this, a dedicated and mandated group of CSFD members applied for funding in the EC Justice - Drug Policy Initiative Programme in 2016 and 2018. Both grants were awarded and enabled the CSFD to expand its work. These two rounds of funding have been instrumental for the CSFD to become a prominent player in the drug policy debate at EU-level and build strong ties with EU institutions.

Unfortunately, the latest proposal sent to the EC for a grant covering the period 2022-2023 was rejected. This means that beyond February 2022, the CSFD will have to continue operating without any funding. This is deeply problematic. Without secretariat support and funding for the core group and the activities in the Working Groups, activities and impact of the CSFD will be limited.

The CSFD is now discussing alternative ways for funding and has reached out as well to different EU Member States for support. 

A renewed Civil Society Forum on Drugs (CSFD) 2021-2023

GENEVA (8 November 2021) ̶ UN human rights experts* today urgently appealed to Singapore to definitively halt the execution of Malaysian national Nagaenthran a/l K Dharmalingam, known as Naga, who has psychosocial disabilities.

He was originally scheduled to be executed on 10 November for drug offences.

“We note that a temporary stay has been granted today until a final appeal can be heard tomorrow. However, we are seriously concerned that, if the appeal is dismissed, he could still be executed imminently,” the experts said.

Mr. Nagaenthran a/l K Dharmalingam was apprehended in 2009 after he crossed the border carrying 42.72 grams of diamorphine a narcotic analgesic used in the treatment of severe pain. He was sentenced to death in 2010 and has been on death row since.

”We are concerned that Mr. Nagaenthran a/l K Dharmalingam did not have access to procedural accommodations for his disability during his interrogation. We further highlight that death sentences must not be carried out on persons with serious psychosocial and intellectual disabilities.”

“We are also concerned that his past 11 years on death row has reportedly caused further deterioration of his mental health.”

Under international law, countries which have retained the death penalty may only impose it for the most serious crimes, that is, those involving intentional killing, the human rights experts also stressed.

“Drug related offences do not meet this threshold,” they said. “Resorting to this type of punishment to prevent drug trafficking is not only illegal under international law, it is also ineffective. There is a lack of any persuasive evidence that the death penalty contributes more than any other punishment to eradicating drug trafficking.”

The experts urged Singapore to ensure Mr. Nagaenthran a/l K Dharmalingam is not executed and to commute his death sentence in accordance with international human rights law.

Singapore amended its drugs legislation in 2012, which allowed drug couriers to be sentenced to life imprisonment if they provide substantive assistance to the Public Prosecutor or if in cases of “abnormality of the mind.” In other cases, the death penalty remains mandatory.

“We urge Singapore to further reform its legislation to ensure the death penalty is never compulsory, as mandatory death sentences are inherently over-inclusive and unavoidably violate human rights law,” said the experts.

“We are further concerned by the decision to carry out an execution during the COVID-19 pandemic and the additional impact of the sentence on Mr. Nagaenthran a/l K Dharmalingam’s family members, who are having to make frantic arrangements to travel to Singapore. This may amount to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

“We have also asked Singapore to honour its commitment to release data on the death penalty,” added the experts. In its 2011 Universal Periodic Review, Singapore accepted a recommendation to make available statistics and other factual information on its use of capital punishment.

The experts have written to the Government of Singapore to express their concerns.

Singapore: UN experts urge halt to execution of drug offender with disabilities 

Metzineres provides a safe haven for womxn who use drugs who are also surviving violence in Barcelona. They are not passive victims to be rescued – we can learn a lot from them about community empowerment. Watch our new video produced together with INPUD!

Repressive drug policies fuel violence in multiple ways. Directly, by punishing people who buy or sell drugs, and indirectly, by creating a violent black market for illegal drugs. Police repression usually targets poor, marginalised communities. Those people who are already vulnerable based on their gender, sexual orientation, or race, become even more vulnerable as a consequence of the fear of criminalisation and discrimination.

Our new video features Metzineres, an organisation in Barcelona that organises communities of womxn (here the ‘x’ means that they include trans and non-binary people) who use drugs to recover from systemic violence and to fight back.

They provide safe environments for the survivors of violence to escape street environments where they are often abused and attacked. They provide shelters to sleep in and wash their clothes, and safer spaces for consuming their drugs, without the risk of infections and overdose deaths. They also offer psychosocial support for those who struggle with homelessness, mental health issues, and family problems, as well as putting on creative community activities, dance, yoga, cosmetics etc to make them feel that they belong.

Metzineres is more than a service provider – they are a community, with more than 300 members. Half of them are homeless, 30% have been imprisoned before.

These womxn are not passive victims to be rescued – they are creative and resilient human beings. We can learn a lot from them about how we should stand up for each other.

This video was produced together with INPUD – The International Network of People who Use Drugs.

: Carmen Molina | @carmencapta | carmencapta.com


Metzineres: From survival to fighting back

A key element of Britain’s self-identity is that we are a nation of innovation. As far back as the early 17th century, the philosopher and poet John Milton declared: “Let not England forget her precedence of teaching nations how to live”. Since then, the image of Britain as a world leader – always at the cutting-edge of history, always providing the legal, economic and cultural templates for others to follow – has become a sacred national truism, repeatedly reiterated by politicians from Tony Blair to Theresa May.

But when one considers Britain’s regressive drug policy, this self-assessment couldn’t be further from the truth – a fact that Germany’s recent announcement about its new drug policy reforms has made even clearer.

Last week, Germany’s incoming government – a coalition of Social Democrats, Greens and the centre-right Free Democrat party – confirmed it plans to legalise the sale of recreational cannabis. With this decision, Germany is following the likes of Uruguay, Canada, Mexico, South Africa and a plethora of states in the US, which have made similar reforms since 2012.

When it comes to drug laws, Britain is a world loser

By Ian Tennant, Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC)

In a series of recent meetings, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs identified state challenges in tackling drug trafficking, but glossed over the broader issues shaping the global drug economy and how to foster a more coordinated and multi-stakeholder response through the UN system.

Between 19 and 21 October, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) met at the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in Vienna to discuss issues of transnational organized crime, specifically the links between drug trafficking and other crimes, challenges in tracking and seizing the proceeds of crime and online drug trafficking. Notably, the meetings marked a return to an in-person format, albeit with masks, social distancing and COVID-19 access requirements.

With such face-to-face meetings a rarity since her January 2020 appointment, UNODC Executive Director Ghada Waly duly seized the chance to address the opening session. Calling upon her organization’s accredited ambassadors and diplomats ‘to reflect on the big picture [and] how this Commission can help target the criminal structures that sustain drug trafficking,’ the executive director clearly wanted member states to rectify the lack of analysis of illicit drug markets that marked this year’s main CND meeting in May, during which the committee had instead focused on the health impacts of drugs and the ongoing political debate around cannabis classification.

But her call fell on deaf ears. Throughout the October meetings, there was little analysis of the criminal economy around drug markets, while the bigger picture of how illicit drug economies thrive was not addressed in any detail. Instead, the presentations and discussions were state-centric, focusing on the latest research and perspectives from the UNODC and some member states, the challenges states face in law enforcement and criminal justice responses and the need for more effective international cooperation between states to address these challenges.

There was little discussion around how to explore joint efforts with other parts of the UNODC mandate, or indeed the wider UN system, despite Waly’s argument that the meeting represented a ‘unique opportunity to explore joint and complementary efforts in the substantive work’ of the CND and the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice (CCPCJ), the CND’s sister commission, which will hold its first meeting on 10–12 November.

Neither was there much recognition among member states over the need to enhance cooperation between states and civil society, although several civil society panellists were vocal on the issue. Tariq Khosa, director of the Centre for Governance Reform (Pakistan) and a former senior law enforcement official, made a strong case for greater civil society involvement and the importance of community resilience in countering organized crime:

I represented the Government of Pakistan as Head of Delegation to the CND in Vienna in 2010 as the Federal Secretary of Narcotics Control…. Working within the government, we strongly felt that without developing community resilience and making civil society as active partner, the state alone cannot combat the menace of illicit drug trade, corruption and associated organized crimes…. So, the first lesson that we have drawn is for the society and state to forge an effective partnership in tackling the challenges of organized crimes.

Khosa’s call for civil society engagement was subsequently supported by the Ambassador of Mexico and the delegation of Canada in ensuing discussions, showing some member state support for this position.

Another civil society intervention came from John Collins, Director of Academic Engagement at the GI-TOC, who highlighted the big picture impacts of illicit financial flows in the Western Balkans and East and southern Africa (two regions on which the GI-TOC has published research) and concomitant need for civil society inclusion:

Our regional examples are illustrative of the global and local effects on development and security of illicit financial flows related to the drugs trade – poverty, violence, drug addiction and health impacts, and a general breakdown in good governance. The response not only lies in the seizure of drugs and money, but a holistic response including the prioritization of urban security, support for community resilience and including civil society voices at all stages.

All in all, the CND sessions were a useful platform for exchange between states and civil society, and a welcome return to more in-person engagements, which can facilitate better international cooperation. Civil society played their role in providing some alternative viewpoints and new perspectives, and therefore added value to the proceedings.

But while the discussions succeeded in identifying key issues and challenges for states in mobilizing their responses, states once again avoided analysis of the criminal economy of drug markets. As such, Waly’s stated hope for the meeting – that ‘the Commission can foster political momentum [to] address the criminal economy that surrounds the illicit drug market’ – looks likely to remain unfulfilled.

Thinking inside the box: CND thematic sessions

The United States’ opioid epidemic worsened significantly during the pandemic, with overdose deaths recorded in the 12 months leading up to April 2021 up 28.5% from the year before, show data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.1

Health systems across the country reported 97 990 overdose deaths during that period. Accounting for reporting delays, the CDC estimated that the final figure will be 100 306 lives lost to overdoses, of which 75 673 were opioid overdoses.

Of these, 64 178 deaths involved synthetic opioids such as fentanyl, a drug which has flooded the country in recent years.

A record 100 000 people in the United States died from overdoses in 12 months of the pandemic, says CDC

The NZ Drug Foundation is celebrating the passing of the Drug and Substance Checking Legislation Bill (No 2) today, which provides a new permanent legal framework for drug checking services at festivals and clinics.

Executive Director, Sarah Helm, says it is a huge moment in the history of preventing drug harm in New Zealand.

“This is truly a moment to celebrate. It has been over three decades since the last significant gain was made, the creation of the needle exchanges in the late 1980s,” says Helm.

“For years, pioneering drug checking provider KnowYourStuff has been delivering this service with our support, working in the margins of the law at great risk to themselves to prevent harm to others. Today, it’s important we acknowledge the tireless and brave work of these volunteers, particularly Wendy Allison.

Helm says drug checking has proven to be a hugely effective harm reduction tool that saves lives by providing people with accurate information to make safer decisions. She is keen to see access expanded beyond festivalgoers.

“This new law provides a great opportunity to expand availability of services to more vulnerable communities,” she says.

New Zealand: Passage of drug checking law a moment to celebrate

By István Gábor Takács / Rights Reporter Foundation

Organisations in Lebanon providing Opioid Agonist Treatment ask for international help to maintain the programs. Watch our short video and take action!

OAT, Opioid Agonist Treatment Program was legalized and launched in Lebanon in 2012 within the Harm Reduction Program, after years of advocacy from harm reduction actors in the country.

In light of the compounded and ongoing crises that have hit Lebanon since 2019, today organisations are facing the risk of yet another health crisis with the imminent shortage of Opioid Agonist Treatment medication. Organizations providing the treatment in Lebanon have learnt of the upcoming shortage of OAT medication which leaves the lives of over 1200 individuals hanging in the balance.

Watch this short video with Elie Aaraj, Executive Director of the Middle East and North Africa Harm Reduction Association, explaining the problem:

News