Speaking ahead of the 13th World Day Against the Death Penalty, observed on 10 October, UN experts agreed that "Executions for drug crimes amount to a violation of international law and are unlawful killing".

“Executions for drug crimes amount to a violation of international law and are unlawful killings,” the United Nations Special Rapporteurs on summary executions, Christof Heyns, and on torture, Juan E. Méndez, today reminded Governments. It is estimated that drug-related sentences could account for around 1,000 executions a year worldwide.

“The imposition of death sentences and executions for drug offences significantly increases the number of persons around the world caught in a system of punishment that is incompatible with fundamental tenets of human rights,” the experts said, speaking ahead of the 13th World Day Against the Death Penalty, observed on 10 October.

They noted that more than 30 States have legal provisions providing the death penalty for drug-related crimes, and in certain countries, including Indonesia, China, Iran and Saudi Arabia, such cases make up a significant proportion of the total number of executions.

“Of particular concern is that these arbitrary sentencing regimes exist in several of the very small minority of countries around the world which most frequently resort to capital punishment,” Special Rapporteur Heyns said. “Moreover, in many States where the death penalty is used for drug-related offences, there is not a system of fair trial.”

“The World Day Against the Death Penalty provides an opportunity to reflect on another year in which the number of States that have completely moved away from capital punishment has increased,” Mr. Heyns said. “However, it also prompts scrutiny of the extent to which a small minority of States violate international law by imposing the death penalty for drug offences.”

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights* prohibits the imposition of the death penalty for any but the ‘most serious’ crimes. The Human Rights Committee, the body responsible for the authoritative interpretation of the Covenant, has repeatedly made clear that drug offences do not meet this threshold, and that only crimes involving intentional killing can be ‘most serious’.

Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the IDPC Monthly Alert.

Thumbnail: Flickr CC United Nations Photo

GENEVA (7 October 2015) – “Executions for drug crimes amount to a violation of international law and are unlawful killings,” the United Nations Special Rapporteurs on summary executions, Christof Heyns, and on torture, Juan E. Méndez, today reminded Governments. It is estimated that drug-related sentences could account for around 1,000 executions a year worldwide.

- See more at: http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=16581&LangID=E#sthash.ygvhLHuW.dpuf

Using the death penalty to fight drug crimes violates international law, UN rights experts warn

Death sentences fail to deter drug trafficking and retentionist countries should introduce alternatives to the death penalty for drug offences, say MEPs in a resolution voted on Thursday two days ahead the 13th World Day Against the Death Penalty. The abolition of the death penalty for drug-related offences should be made a prerequisite for EU financial and technical assistance to third countries, they added during the debate on an oral question tabled to the Council on Tuesday evening.

In a resolution adopted by 569 votes to 38 with 54 abstentions two days ahead of the 13th World Day Against the Death Penalty on 10 October, MEPs reaffirm their condemnation of the use of the death penalty which they say is an "ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment, violating the right to life". They strongly support the introduction of a moratorium on the death penalty, as a step towards abolition.

Death penalty abolition as a prerequisite for EU support

In order to stage the event in cities and countries around the world, Harm Reduction International works with a local partner organisation with the willingness and capacity to co-host the event with us. It should be emphasised that co-hosting the international conference means much more than simply putting your logo on the event.

In submitting a tender to Harm Reduction International, you are formally expressing your interest in co-hosting the 2017 conference, and all that this commitment entails. The purpose of the tender is to explain how your organisation, city and country best meet the requirements necessary to stage the harm reduction conference in an accessible and cost effective manner. The tender should detail your ideas about the 2017 conference and the impact it would have on your country/region, and should be an accurate representation of your organisation, your city/country and the capacity of both to stage Harm Reduction 2017.

Call for tenders for Harm Reduction 2017

The Congress ‘Drugs, Politics and Culture: Perspectives from Brazil-Mexico’ (5th-6th October 2015) has concluded with a strong statement against the ‘unintended consequences’ of the current drug control regime. Signed by a host of academics, journalists, activists and politicians, the ‘Declaration of Guadalajara’ highlights the need to refocus the debate on drugs policy away from criminalisation and prohibition in order to ‘promote public health and social protection, while fostering development in Latin America’.

Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the IDPC Monthly Alert.

Guadalajara Declaration: The Time is Now

Well it’s official. The governments of the world have committed to ending HIV, tuberculosis and malaria, but merely ‘combatting’ viral hepatitis.

When the United Nations General Assembly voted to adopt the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on 25 September, I don’t doubt that advocates of many stripes were left feeling that this highly influential agreement did not sufficiently recognize the urgency of their claims.

It is not my intention to argue that viral hepatitis advocates have been short-changed any more than those who care deeply about other issues. I do, however, think it is important for everyone committed to ending viral hepatitis to think about what this aspect of the SDGs means to us.

By 2030, end the epidemics of AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and neglected tropical diseases and combat hepatitis, water-borne diseases and other communicable diseases.

It is estimated that combined mortality from hepatitis B virus (HBV) and hepatitis C virus (HCV) exceeded HIV-related mortality in 2013. HBV, unlike HIV, can be prevented with a vaccine. HCV, unlike HIV, is curable. How can it possibly make sense to aspire to end HIV and not also HBV and HCV?

The question is irrelevant, because the complex years-long consultation and negotiation processes that gave rise to the SDGs were not about applying this lens. While the SDGs are intended to present a unified and holistic development vision, efforts to acknowledge the priorities of a vast array of interest groups have resulted in a final document that might be metaphorically described as an extremely large patchwork quilt assembled under duress.

Hepatitis and the Sustainable Development Goals: Time for an end run

"I am alive. I am here. I am talking to you. This is obvious proof that harm reduction works"

EHRN are happy to present a video created by their very active members in Belarus, Georgia, Lithuania, Moldova and Tadzhikistan. Special thanks given to Igor Kuzmenko as well as members of Georgian and Tadzhik harm reduction networks for filming. Thanks also given to Studio Workshop (Germany) for editing and development. This video was first introduced during the Regional Dialogue in Tbilisi.

Video: Why fund harm reduction? 

The drug laws of the Republic of Georgia are very harsh, even by comparison with other countries in the region. The government launched its war on drugs in 2006; and since than, tens of thousands of people have been stopped every year by policemen, and forced to provide urine samples for drug-testing. People can be stopped for testing, even without any reasonable suspicion of using drugs. If the test proves positive, the offender has to pay a fine, and if they re-offend, they face a prison sentence. Young people spend years in prison for possessing very small amounts of illegal drugs. This system is not only brutal, costly, and ineffective, but a constant source of corruption, and blocks access to effective treatment and harm reduction programs.

Civil society, including the communities of drug users, have been fighting against repressive drug laws for a long time. The current government has decided to take cautious steps towards reforming its drug laws. Last year, they abolished a law which obliged medical staff to report overdose victims to the police. This week, at an international conference organised in Tbilisi by the Eurasian Harm Reduction Network, the Minister of Health announced the intention to amend the law, limiting the scope of mandatory drug testing on the streets. The new regulation (Interior Ministry Ordinance №725) came into force on Thursday, and only permits policemen to force people to undergo drug-testing if the following conditions are fulfilled: a) a law enforcement official has witnessed an illegal action (eg. drug use); b) there is enough reason to suggest a person is under the influence of drugs; c) police have obtained information, either through investigation or information received, that the person has illegally used drugs.

The new ministerial ordinance regulates the procedure for drug testing. If the law enforcement representative claims to have witnessed a breach of the law, the suspect can undergo testing voluntarily. If the person should refuse, a sample may be obtained by force. The suspect can contest this action in court, where s/he also has the option of disputing the test results.

Republic of Georgia cuts back its street drug testing programme

The Global Fund is currently conducting an audit of its Country Coordinating Mechanisms. The overall objective of the audit is to evaluate the role and effectiveness of the Country Coordinating Mechanism (CCM) for the Global Fund grants. This will include, but not limited to, assessing:

the adequacy of the CCM model in coordinating and overseeing in-country grants; and

the operational effectiveness of the CCMs, including policies and processes in place at the Global Fund Secretariat and at the country level.

As part of the process, the Global Fund is conducting a survey for civil society organizations and key populations to get their valuable input to make the Global Fund CCMs more effective. Please find below the link to the CCM audit questionnaire. Please respond to the questionnaire by 

CCM Questionnaire for CSOs and Key Population

Questionnaire destiné aux organisations de la société civile et aux populations clés

Survey - Audit of the Global Fund country coordinating mechanism

O congresso 'Drogas, Política e Cultura: Perspectivas Brasil México' (5-6 de Outubro de 2015) concluiu com uma forte declaração em contra das "consequências indesejadas" do regime internacional de controle de droga. Assinado por um grupo importante de académicos, jornalistas, ativistas e políticos, a «Declaração de Guadalajara" salienta a necessidade de re-orientar o debate sobre a política de drogas fora do âmbito da criminalização e da proibição, para desenvolver perspetivas ‘que respeitem os direitos humanos, promovam a saúde pública e a proteção social e cultivem o desenvolvimento na América Latina’.

Registe-se para recever as Alertas mensais do IDPC e obter informação sobre questões relacionadas com as políticas de drogas.

O Momento é Agora: Declaração de Guadalajara

Dealing with the double stigma of racially-fuelled exclusion from local services and problematic drug use, Britain’s Gypsy and Traveler communities are among the most marginalized groups when it comes to addressing substance misuse.

Until quite recently drug use was very rare among Gypsy and Traveler communities. In the last 15 years, however, local health workers, community members, and voluntary sector agencies have been anecdotally reporting increasing problematic substance use among primarily the young and unemployed of these groups.

The pattern of this substance misuse is particularly concerning: polydrug use, lack of knowledge about safe injecting and speedy progression to “hard” drugs including crack cocaine and heroin are likely exacerbated by historical disengagement with fulltime education.

A six month research project in Tower Hamlets, London, found that the most common drugs of use were herbal cannabis, crack cocaine and heroin. Worryingly they also discovered that the average age of first drug use was 13 years and that users rarely came into contact with drug services until their use was at a very advanced stage, and then often through Youth Offending Teams or Probation Services.

Roma and traveler communities excluded from drug treatment services

Internationally, the drug policies created over the past 50 years have been a bust. The emphasis on prohibition and security has done little to control the production, transit, or consumption of drugs. These policies have failed because the factors driving thousands of people to join illicit drug markets are deep and structural. Try as you might, you can’t just police them out of existence.

Poverty, gender inequality, rural development and land rights, corruption and weak rule of law—these are the factors that fuel the illicit drug market. They’re also development issues—the very issues tackled by the UN’s Sustainable Development Goalds (SDGs), which were adopted last week. This is why the SDGs must incorporate reformed drug policies. Neglecting a developmental approach to drug policies has led to myriad consequences, from environmental degradation and crime to destabilization and displacement.

In production countries, prohibitionist policies are based on the assumption that by reducing the supply of drugs, you can drive up prices and, in turn, drive down demand. But this approach doesn’t take developmental factors into account.

For instance, in Latin America around 70 percent of women in prison face charges of nonviolent “micro-trafficking” activities. Women are prone to engage in these activities because of the persistent gender inequality in underdeveloped countries. Single mothers with no education often find in these activities a way to support their families, working as low-level dealers or “mules” to transport drugs into prisons or other countries.

Likewise, for poor farmers with no access to land, the cultivation of coca leaf, opium poppy, and cannabis presents numerous benefits. Drugs are nonperishable products that are easy to grow in marginal terrain and poor soil, and with limited or no irrigation. Therefore, a black market for these highly cost-effective commodities is inevitable in lieu of appropriate development solutions.

At the same time, the environmental impact of the illicit cultivation of drugs is severe. In the Andean and Amazonian regions, each hectare of coca leaf or opium poppy cultivation causes the deforestation of two or three hectares of forest, destroying ecosystems and affecting biodiversity. Making things worse, the eradicating chemicals used in aerial fumigation destroy vegetation and animal habitats, not to mention negatively affect human and reproductive health.

Why the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals must Include drug policy

Small and landlocked Bolivia is one of the poorest countries in Latin America. For centuries, its majority indigenous population has grown and chewed the coca leaf - much like other people around the world drink coffee or tea - to increase productivity and stave off hunger while working in the fields.

An estimated one-third of Bolivians today consume the leaf in its natural form.

Coca, of course, is also the main ingredient in cocaine. Because of growing demand, coca production expanded exponentially in the 1980s, much of it flowing into the international cocaine market. This set the stage for three decades of US-financed eradication programmes in Los Yungas and especially the Chapare, Bolivia's two main growing regions.

Peasants became the main target of military and US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) missions, yet the violence, killings, and political instability continued - and overall cocaine production fluctuated, but did not decrease.

Lean and tall, Carlos Perez - a cocalero or coca farmer with more than 20 years of experience planting, harvesting, drying and selling coca - remembers the military repression that took place as a part of Plan Dignidad in the late 1990s, in which the US paired up its counter-narcotics aid with debt relief.

But he would rather recall the time in 1994, when former coca grower Evo Morales joined a march of thousands of other cocaleros, demanding an end to the forced eradication of their crop. Perez marched too, walking the 130km from the cloud forest of Chulumani to the capital, La Paz.

"Around that time, we would regularly throw the military and DEA out of town," he said. "People organised through the local community radio and kicked them out of our coca-producing villages, one by one."