Pursuant to General Assembly resolution 71/187 (paragraph 11), the Secretary-General is to report to the General Seembly at the seventy-third session on the implementation of the resolutuion. The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has issued a letter to NGOs asking to receive relevant information covering developments 

 on the question pf the moratorium on the use of the death penalty and other issues as included in resolution, so as to enable the Secretary-General to report to the General Assembly.

Submissions will preferably be in MS Word format (maximum 1500 words), and should be addressed 

 to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, United Nations CH 1211 – Geneva 10. Responses or any queries may also be sent electronically to registry@ohchr.org.

Reporting by the Secretary-General on “moratorium on the use of the death penalty” pursuant to General Assembly resolution 71/187

Drugreporter interviewed David Stuart, the person who first coined the term chemsex. David’s work was featured in the 2015 documentary called “Chemsex” by Vice UK, and is one of the co-creators of the European Chemsex Forum.

: People have been making love while being drunk or high for millennia. What is this big fuss about chemsex than, how is it different from just having sex under the influence of drugs?

 Chemsex is not simply a word that describes the use of alcohol or drugs during sex.
That is a very simple interpretation that mainstream media have misappropriated for exciting headlines. Chemsex is a word that I first coined in 2001, to describe something that I saw happening within my own local gay communities and sexual networks; something that seemed very different to other kinds of drug use cultures that I was familiar with.

Chemsex is a word that defines a phenomenon unique to modern gay culture; it is uniquely and specifically associated with gay hook-up trends, and the gay cultural idiosyncrasies that have evolved as part of online gay hook-up cultures and the use of sex-Apps (HIV sero-sorting behaviours and other HIV related stigmas, camp-shaming/masc-shaming and inter-tribe identification and rejections). Chemsex is also about the disproportionate availability of recreational and particularly harmful drugs that have been introduced so widely to gay, bi and Queer men via online hook-up Apps (referred to as chems – crystal methamnphetamine, mephedrone and GHB/GBL). Chemsex, though sometimes simply about the pursuit of pleasure and enjoyment of homo-sex, is often also about the medicating of complex issues that inhibit the enjoyment of gay sex such as societal and internalised homophobia, the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic within gay cultures, and religious or cultural shame that is often associated with gay sex.

Chemsex defines this international phenomenon that is so disproportionately affecting gay communities in so many cities around the world, and resulting in an upsetting and disproportionate number of deaths, addictions, mental health issues and emergency hospital presentations.

Do we know how common is chemsex in Europe?

No. Chemsex is a (relatively) new phenomenon, with a definition some still too easily misunderstand; there are anecdotal reports from within gay communities, there is the obvious prevalence visible to anyone using gay sex Apps, and some evidence from the sexual health and HIV services in various parts of Europe; but very few gay men who engage in chemsex present to traditional addiction services, preferring instead to seek support from gay community centres or sexual health services, which are not always set up or supported to collect this unique kind of data. The European Chemsex Forum in Berlin was convened to (amongst other things) support services to better collect the necessary data.

Improving cultural competence to chemsex – Interview with David Stuart

Like you and the more than 6,000 colleagues who attended the 9th IAS Conference on HIV Science (IAS 2017) in Paris, we were in awe of the scientific data presented from Swaziland last July1. Sitting in the plenary hall, we learned that new HIV infections there were cut almost in half in only six years. That – in the country with the highest HIV prevalence in the world – is incredible.

And yet in the same room only a few days later, we learned of the explosive expansion of HIV in middle-income countries in Eastern Europe, where new infections have risen by 60% since 20102.

Despite global scientific advancements and increased sharing of “best practices”, there are clearly two entirely different narratives of HIV unfolding across the world. What is at the core of this divergence, and why does it persist?

In resource-limited countries where strong national commitment is combined with robust international support, the prospect of minimizing the epidemic to the point where it is no longer a serious public health threat appears increasingly feasible. Where political commitment on AIDS is strong, we have allowed science to guide our response.

However, in many other settings, ideology seems to be outweighing science in the HIV response (and in much of public health in general). Harmful political choices, including rapid donor transitions, criminalization and unscientific public health programmes, have led to predictably bad health outcomes, leaving many countries and regions with no end to AIDS in sight.

This year marks 30 years since the creation of the International AIDS Society (IAS), an important moment of reflection for our organization. We were founded in 1988 by a group of scientist-activists desperate to share information to stop the pandemic spreading around them. When the IAS was first created, there was no treatment for HIV and no prevention of mother-to-child transmission. There was pervasive stigma and discrimination, limited understanding of HIV transmission and disease progression, a lack of awareness of the degree to which HIV was predominantly spreading in sub-Saharan Africa, and by and large only condoms for prevention. To overcome massive challenges, those scientist-activists had to address the politics that stood in the way of achieving an effective response to the epidemic.

Since that time, astonishing scientific advances helped transform the fight against HIV, shifting the discourse on HIV from an urgent, activism-led discussion to a more technocratic, biomedical one – obscuring the political dimensions along the way. But in this moment of truth – when talk of “ending AIDS” is proving increasingly disconnected from reality for much of the world – we must face some uncomfortable questions:

Much of our current efforts appear specifically focused on heterosexual people in Southern and Eastern Africa. Yet within this region and throughout the world, millions are being left behind, particularly in key populations. How do we build an AIDS response that is both effective and equitable?

We have an ever-growing list of effective prevention interventions but few resources to implement them. National programme planners have little room to accommodate prevention within their budgets and political leaders often lack the courage to tackle the questions that effective HIV prevention raises. How do we follow through from rhetoric to implementation of HIV prevention?

How should donor nations support the response to HIV in low- and middle-income countries outside of Southern and Eastern Africa? 

Repeatedly, we see countries transitioning from donor funding without the support to sustain the accomplishments of the past decade. Community systems wither and clinical care falters. What does responsible transition look like?

Aids is (still) political

Are you passionate about global drug policy? IDPC is looking for a dynamic and motivated new volunteer to support our communications work!

The selected candidate will help us enhance IDPC’s visibility by helping our communications work, and providing some research and administrative support to our small team of advocates. Ideally, the volunteer would commit to work at IDPC for a minimum period of three months (either part- or full-time, depending on the person's availability). For more information about the position, have a look at the full description below.

If you are interested in volunteering for us, please 

to Juan Fernandez Ochoa at jfernandez@idpc.net. Please note that we can only welcome volunteers who have the right to volunteer in the UK.

IDPC does not currently have the capacity to pay its volunteers. However, we will reimburse travel costs and lunch expenses incurred during the volunteer’s working days.

IDPC is searching for a new communications volunteer

We, the Civil Society, National and Local governments, academia, Media, Human Rights organizations, Organizations of PWUD, activists, Private Sector and PWUD attending the First East African Harm Reduction Conference, from 27th February to 1st March 2018 in Nairobi, Kenya are committed to continued and scaled up support in investment to the Harm Reduction programs and a healthy future for all people of the Eastern African Region.

 the advances that are improving the health of our Youths and PWUDs, including:

 that widespread access to Harm Reduction services would support in reaching universal access targets and Support and the 90:90:90,

Working to overcome legal and policy gaps by putting in place a Regional Harm Reduction policy, through the leadership of the East African Community and Drugs control authorities,

 of PWDUS, as a key population group that needs focused, evidence –based and human rights based HIV, TB and infectious diseases interventions,

The efforts by the East African partners states in launching the first ten year- Regional Health investment priority framework (2018 -2028), committing to high impact investments in health, including research and Harm Reduction

 the recently ratified Sustainable Development Goal target of Universal Health Coverage and access where health is fundamental to social and economic development.

 that broad-based, large body of evidence shows that harm reduction is effective in reducing the transmission of infectious diseases and improves the quality of life of people who use drugs, save lives, reduces crime and improves the human rights and dignity of people who use drugs

 the Principles set out by the UN General Assembly has endorsed harm reduction as an essential HIV prevention measure in its Declaration of Commitment on AIDS and in the Political Declaration on AIDS in 2006.

 that despite progress, universal access to Harm Reduction services especially in African Countries, as stated UNAIDS is largely off track as indicated by the UNGASS report; but that with resolve can be reversed

 that majority of Eastern African countries lack essential high impact Harm Reduction services especially Needle and Syringe programs, Hepatitis C treatment and Opioid Substitution Therapy; and where they are available, coverage is still poor, reaching far below the numbers needed to have an impact on the epidemic

 that working to maintain and improve Harm Reduction policies, guidelines, services and practice to save lives, – that the current national budgetary allocations and mechanisms within the context of national health systems financing are inadequate:

We, the undersigned, call on the Eastern African Governments and International Organisations to

Undertake a transparent review of the effectiveness of current drug policies in their respective Countries with regards to HIV and infectious diseases prevention and control

End the criminalization of PWUDs and the punitive legal frameworks that fuel HIV and infectious diseases transmission, overdose, mass incarceration and human rights violations

De-criminalize drug use, scale up evidence-based drug dependence treatment options

Ensure scaled and sufficient access across Eastern Africa to the core Harm Reduction interventions, such as needle syringe programs and opioid substitution therapy

Endorse and scale up funding for the implementation of the comprehensive package Harm Reduction Interventions in line with WHO, UNODC, UNITAIDS recommendations, including overdose prevention and outreach work

Ensure access to Hepatitis C diagnostics and treatment for PWUD

Ensure meaningful involvement of communities of PWUDs in developing, monitoring and implementing harm reduction services and policies that affect their lives

Promote partnerships between law enforcement agencies, criminal justice system, PWUDs, organizations supporting PWUDs to address the widespread inappropriate use of criminal sanctions against PWDUs and other key affected populations, and ensure that such partnerships are facilitated, supported and enabled to undertake their work successfully.

Renew their commitment and action towards the goal of universal access to comprehensive Harm Reduction services for PWUDs through the financing, implementation and scale-up of evidence-based harm reduction interventions

Commit to removing legal and policy barriers and particularly a reorientation of drug policies toward public health and human rights-based approaches.

Support Harm Reduction in Policies and practice and commit to funding all Harm Reduction intervention.

Support the civil society working on Harm reduction interventions

This Declaration was developed by the participants at the First Eastern African Harm Reduction Conference

The Nairobi Declaration on harm reduction during the first East African Harm Reduction Conference (EAHRC)

People who us drugs have typically been excluded from Hep C treatment opportunities, due to the ‘ill-perceived’ risk of discontinuation from the treatment course in many countries. But studies of Direct Acting Antivirals (DAAS) have found that people on Oral Substitution Therapy (OST), including those who continued to use illicit drugs, maintained good adherence and had high sustained response rates comparable to those of non-drug users in the trials. We have many friends who have self-medicated with Indian made generics and have cured their Hep C. One may wonder why on earth would drug users seek medicine and complete the treatment on their own? They would of course, because people who use drugs are inherently not the enemy of their own life. Treatment, in many cases begins with prejudices and often “physical discomfort” is misunderstood as withdrawal symptoms. Governments and health care providers should understand that successful treatment often depends on having the right systems in place rather than focusing on drug use behavior as the unit of analysis.

People who use drugs have been the most effective way to reach out to their hidden peers in both HIV and Hep C response. May it be through some funded projects or in an individual capacity, we have been supporting our peers with the right prevention and treatment messages. Various misconceptions on Hep C still exist in every country. The reality is that most people who use and inject drugs are unaware that they are infected and Hep C treatment rates among them are very low. There are a number of reasons for this, including the asymptomatic nature of virus itself, paucity of strategic information, cost of treatment and lack of funding for Hep C interventions, which is further exacerbated by criminalization of drug use.

The truth you need to know about people who use drugs

Norway’s drug laws could be an example for the rest of the world, leading healthcare and police figures from around the world have said. Drug policy in the Scandinavian country is no longer a criminal matter but one of public health - a move that has been widely praised by experts. Now 20 international policymakers and stakeholders from 10 countries have outlined a number of further reforms to ensure the policy platform can work as an even better template for other countries to follow.

In a joint letter sent to Norway’s health minister, Bent Høie, they provide a number of suggestions to minimise the stain of drug use on society. It calls for the decriminalisation of non-violent drug offences, investment in treatment programmes and aftercare facilities, along with drug substitution therapies. One of the letter's signatories, Steve Rolles, a senior policy analyst at the Transform Drug Policy Foundation, told 

 the reforms should inspire change in the UK. He said that decriminalisation approaches were "more than just a change in the law, they need to be part of a wider reorientation towards a health led approach and away from the failings of the punitive enforcement model".

Norway's drug policies 'could set example for rest of the world'


The subject matter of Bill C-45, An Act respecting cannabis and to amend the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, the Criminal Code and other Acts, insofar as it relates to Canada’s international obligations.

The webcast is available in full on the website of the Senate of Canada.

Mark Gwozdecky, Assistant Deputy Minister, International Security and Political Affairs

Kevin Thompson, Director General, North America Strategy Bureau

Global Affairs Canada discusses cannabis regulation and the UN drug control conventions at Senate hearing

Piloted successfully in mid-2017, the “Introduction to Chemsex” training day is just that, having evolved from interest and enquiries from mainstream drug services wishing to gain a better understanding of the subject matter and its potential implications for services. This accessible training day is designed for staff and workers from drugs and sexual health services, commissioning, CCGs, GPs, LGBT organisations and local government, and works more effectively if participants from these organisations are present. Content is comprised of presentations, short films, discussion and group work exercises, and Q&A. At the end of the day, participants are given a detailed handout (with hyper-links and QR codes) including research, policy and strategy documents, and further reading referred to throughout the day. Learning objectives 

An understanding of chemsex and its evolution among gay men within a cultural and historical context

An understanding of the terms 'chemsex', 'slamming', 'bareback', 'PEP' and 'PrEP' and how they are inter-connect

An overview of prevalence and potential future trends

An overview of treatment services and challenges facing the development of chemsex services

An understanding of the specific challenges for abstinence and harm reduction strategies for gay men

An understanding how a chemsex service might be integrated into a main stream drug service

An understanding for the need for drug and alcohol treatment services to better meet the needs of LGBT people

If you wish to book this training for a group please use the Training Enquiry Form. We occasionally run open courses for people wishing to book individual places. If you'd like us to email you if this course is scheduled to run, let us know and we'll be in touch.

Introduction to chemsex

The recent publication of two single pieces of legislation - the amended 1993 Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Law and the first National Drug Control Policy - is likely to form the basis of Myanmar’s drug policy for several years to come. What does it mean for the country’s transition towards an evidence-based approach to drug control, and how can the gaps between the two documents be addressed?

Myanmar has moved a step closer to completing the first reform in decades of its legal framework relating to drugs. Indeed, the recent publication of two single pieces of legislation is likely to form the basis of the country’s approach to drug control for at least several years to come. The first piece is the amended version of the 1993 Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Law (hereafter referred to as “the Law” or “the Drug Law”), which was enacted by the Union Parliament (“Pyidaungsu Hluttaw”) on 14 February 2018. The second, released less than a week later, is the country’s first National Drug Control Policy (hereafter “the Policy”), developed by the Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC) with support from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). This evolving legal and policy framework is a clear sign that the Government has acknowledged the shortcomings of the previous strategy, which was primarily based on the use of repressive measures. The military-appointed Minister for Home Affairs, Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe, thus recognised that “the past approach was very focused on supply reduction and less on other issues, and as a result did not achieve everything we had planned”.

The almost simultaneous release of these two key documents - the National Drug Control Policy and the amended 1993 Drug Law - would suggest that they were developed in the framework of a coordinated reform process aiming at aligning their contents and defining a comprehensive strategy towards the achievement of similar objectives. However, the Law and the Policy differ significantly, and even establish contradictory or incompatible priorities. While the National Drug Control Policy clearly places the focus on public health and development, the amended Drug Law continues to heavily lean on criminal justice and still prescribes extremely harsh prison penalties for both drug users (when caught with small quantities of drugs for their own use) and small-scale subsistence poppy farmers.

These differing choices are symptomatic of tensions between two different models of drug control: one based on repression, effectively a continuation of the current mainstream policies, and one that promotes a change of paradigm and is based on public health, human rights and development. This situation also highlights how different governmental bodies across the executive and the legislative branches can have significantly different stances on drug policy, and how this can impact the overall coherence of the government’s approach.

Myanmar National Drug Control Policy: a key strategic document

The Government of Myanmar released, on 20 February 2018, its very first National Drug Control Policy. The Policy was developed by the CCDAC, with support from UNODC. An extensive consultation process enabled the participation of various Ministries and other Governmental bodies, civil society organisations, UN Agencies, and representatives from affected communities. This collaborative effort resulted in a document that defines the key features and priorities of the Government’s new strategy to tackle drug-related problems in the country. Undoubtedly, the new Policy constitutes a major shift towards a more comprehensive and evidence-based approach. In fact, large sections emphasise the urgent need to develop public health interventions for drug users and rural development programmes in opium growing areas, but also to ensure respect for human rights and to refocus law enforcement and criminal justice efforts towards combating organised crime and corruption.

Will Myanmar complete its transition towards an evidence-based approach to drug control?

Several countries and states have taken the first steps to decriminalize possession and/or personal cultivation of cannabis, and some have even gone as far as to regulate the recreational cannabis market. In other countries, the debate on how an alternative cannabis market might look like has gained momentum. We hope to contribute to that debate by mapping the Cannabis Social Club landscape in Europe.

The Cannabis Social Club is an interesting model as it may offer a safe and feasible option for policy-makers to move a meaningful distance along the spectrum towards legally regulated cannabis markets without crossing over to full commercial availability. For some years now, we have been documenting and analysing the Cannabis Social Club model and have published several academic papers about this topic.

However, in most European countries, the existence and activities of Cannabis Social Clubs have not been described in detail. With our study, we want to inform other academics, policy-makers and the general public about this model. In order to do so, we kindly invite you to participate in our study.

This study aims to map the Cannabis Social Club phenomenon in the 28 European Union Member States.

Participation in our study entails the completion of a 30-item questionnaire. This will take approximately 30 minutes of your time. Please remember that it is important for us that the questions are answered honestly, and that only fully completed questionnaires can be used in our study: Survey

We are aware that this remains a sensitive topic, and that in some countries Cannabis Social Clubs have been the target of police raids or prosecution. Participants in this study are guaranteed anonymity and will not be identifiable in any of our subsequent publications or communications about the findings of the study.

The general community typically has an unrealistic view about people who use or grow cannabis. We want you to help provide a more informed picture by completing this questionnaire. We look forward to being able to provide a fuller picture of cannabis clubs, cannabis growing and cannabis consumers in Europe.

 Cannabis social clubs in Europe - A survey

A Bill on the implementation of Supervised Drug Consumption Facilities has passed its first reading at Westminster.
Alison Thewliss, MP for Glasgow Central, presented her ten minute rule Bill to the Main Chamber on the 14th of March, asking the UK Government to allow for the piloting of a Supervised Drug Consumption Facility (SDCF) in Glasgow city centre.
The MP has been a long-standing advocate for an alternative approach to addressing public drug-injecting, and the associated public health concerns.
The Bill has drawn support from all political parties, with many supporters recognising that the status quo was failing to adequately respond to the issue.
The proposed SDCF in Glasgow would be the first in the UK, where medically trained staff would supervise people using heroin in order to prevent fatal overdoses, and also to provide sterile equipment to minimise the spread of HIV and hepatitis C through contaminated needles.
During her speech, Thewlis referred to the increase in drug-related deaths in Scotland, and also to the estimated 500 people who publicly inject in the city centre.

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